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讀紐時學英文
2018/06/08 第218期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
 
 
紐時周報精選 When Spies Hack Journalism 當間諜駭入新聞界
Deep-Red Alaska, Feeling Thaw, Devises Climate Change Plan 深紅阿拉斯加 因應氣候變遷
Jo Nesb Reimagines ‘Macbeth’ 奈斯博版《馬克白》 黑色犯罪故事
紐時周報精選
 
When Spies Hack Journalism 當間諜駭入新聞界
文/Scott Shane
譯/王麗娟

For decades, leakers of confidential information to the press were a genus that included many species: the government worker infuriated by wrongdoing, the ideologue pushing a particular line, the politico out to savage an opponent. In recent years, technology has helped such leakers operate on a mass scale: Chelsea Manning and the WikiLeaks diplomatic cables, Edward Snowden and the stolen National Security Agency archive, and the still-anonymous source of the Panama Papers.

But now this disparate cast has been joined by a very different sort of large-scale leaker, more stealthy and better funded: the intelligence services of nation states, which hack into troves of documents and then use a proxy to release them. What Russian intelligence did with shocking success to the Democrats in 2016 shows every promise of becoming a common tool of spycraft around the world.

數十年來,向新聞界揭露機密情報的洩密者,多為同一屬但涵蓋許多種的人物:被不法行為激怒的政府工作人員,推動特定路線的意識型態者,試圖攻擊對手的政治人物。近年來,科技成為這些洩密者採取大規模行動的助力:雀兒喜.曼寧和「維基解密」的外交電報,愛德華.史諾登和被竊的國家安全局檔案,以及「巴拿馬文件」和它仍是無名氏的消息來源。

然而現在這個由各不相同的角色構成的卡司,又增加了另一種迥然不同的大規模洩密者,更隱密,銀彈也更足:他們是各國的情報部門。這些情報部門駭得大量文件資料,再利用代理人發布出去。俄羅斯情報部門2016年驚人成功地駭入美國民主黨這件事,顯示這種作法肯定會在未來成為通行全球的間諜活動工具。

In 2014, North Korea, angry about a movie, hacked Sony and aired thousands of internal emails. Since then, Russia has used the hack-leak method in countries across Europe. The United Arab Emirates and Qatar, Persian Gulf rivals, have accused each other of tit-for-tat hacks, leaks and online sabotage. Other spy services are suspected in additional disclosures, but spies are skilled at hiding their tracks.

“It’s clear that nation states are looking at these mass leaks and seeing how successful they are,” said Matt Tait, a cyber expert at the University of Texas who previously worked at Government Communications Headquarters, the British equivalent of the National Security Agency.

2014年,對某部電影怒不可遏的北韓,駭入索尼公司,並公布了數千封內部電子郵件。此後,俄羅斯在歐洲各國也採用了這種駭入─洩露方法。波斯灣的對立國家,阿拉伯聯合大公國和卡達互控對方肆行以牙還牙的駭客攻擊、洩密和網路破壞。其他情報單位也被懷疑是另一些洩密事件的主謀,只是這些間諜擅長隱藏他們的蹤跡。

德州大學網路專家馬特.泰特說:「顯然,各國正在審視這些大規模洩密行動,且目睹它們是多麼成功。」泰特之前在英國等同於美國國家安全局的政府通信總部工作。

What does this mean for journalism? The old rules say that if news organizations obtain material they deem both authentic and newsworthy, they should run it. But those conventions may set reporters up for spy agencies to manipulate what and when they publish, with an added danger: An archive of genuine material may be seeded with slick forgeries.

This quandary is raised with emotional force by my colleague Amy Chozick in her new book about covering Hillary Clinton. She recounts reading a New York Times story about the Russian hack of the Democrats that said The Times and other outlets, by publishing stories based on the hacked material, became “a de facto instrument of Russian intelligence.” She felt terrible, she reports, because she thought she was guilty as charged.

Others hurried to reassure Chozick that she and hundreds of other reporters who covered the leaked emails were simply doing their jobs. “The primary question a journalist must ask himself is whether or not the information is true and relevant,” wrote Jack Shafer, the media critic for Politico, “and certainly not whether it might make Moscow happy.”

這對新聞界而言意味著什麼?按照老規矩,新聞組織一旦取得他們認為具有真實性和新聞價值的材料,就認為應該公諸於世。但是這些慣例可能導致記者遭到間諜機構操縱他們所發布的內容以及時間,而且還有一項風險:真材實料的檔案可能暗藏巧妙的造假。

我的同事艾咪.丘齊克在她談採訪希拉蕊.柯林頓的新書中,情緒激動地說明了這項窘境。她描述看過紐約時報與俄羅斯駭入民主黨相關的一篇報導,文章指出,紐時和其他媒體根據被駭資料做報導時,「實際上也成了俄羅斯情報單位的工具」。她報導說,她感覺糟透了,因為她自覺犯了這樣的錯。

其他人急忙安慰丘齊克,她和數百位採訪外洩電子郵件新聞的記者,只是盡職而已。 Politico媒體評論家傑克.薛佛寫道:「記者必須問自己的首要問題是,這些資料是否屬實以及是否相關,絕不會是這樣做會不會讓莫斯科高與。」

 
Deep-Red Alaska, Feeling Thaw, Devises Climate Change Plan 深紅阿拉斯加 因應氣候變遷
文/Brad Plumer
譯/王麗娟

In the Trump era, it has mainly been blue states that have taken the lead on climate change policy, with liberal strongholds like California and New York setting ambitious goals for cutting greenhouse gas emissions.

Now, at least one deep-red state could soon join them: Alaska, a major oil and gas producer, is creating its own plan to address climate change. Ideas under discussion include cuts in state emissions by 2025 and a tax on companies that emit carbon dioxide.

在川普時代,於氣候變遷政策上扮演領頭羊的主要是美國的藍色州,加州、紐約州這些自由派重鎮都為減少溫室氣體排放訂下遠大目標。

現在,至少有一個深紅州可能即將加入藍州的行列,那就是阿拉斯加這個石油和天然氣的主要生產州,該州正制定自己的計畫,以因應氣候變遷問題。討論中的點子包括在2025年前讓該州進一步減排,以及對排放二氧化碳的公司課稅。

While many conservative-leaning states have resisted aggressive climate policies, Alaska is already seeing the dramatic effects of global warming firsthand, making the issue difficult for local politicians to avoid. The solid permafrost that sits beneath many roads, buildings and pipelines is starting to thaw, destabilizing the infrastructure above. At least 31 coastal towns and cities may need to relocate, at a cost of hundreds of millions of dollars, as protective sea ice vanishes and fierce waves erode Alaska’s shores.

“The change has been so real and so widespread that it’s become impossible to ignore,” Byron Mallott, the state’s Democratic lieutenant governor, said while visiting Washington to discuss climate policy. “Folks are realizing that it’s something we have to deal with.”

儘管許多保守州抗拒施行積極的氣候政策,但阿拉斯加已親眼目睹全球暖化的巨大影響,以致當地政治人物難以再躲避這個問題。位於許多道路、建築物和管道下方的堅實永凍層已開始融化,破壞了上方基礎設施的穩定。由於保護性的海冰消失,強浪侵蝕阿拉斯加海岸,至少31個沿海城鎮可能必須遷移,耗資數億美元。

該州民主黨籍副州長拜倫.馬洛特訪問華盛頓,討論氣候政策時說:「變化如此真實又廣泛,令人無法忽視。人們意識到這是我們非得處理不可的問題。」

The state is still finalizing its climate strategy. In October, Gov. Bill Walker, a former Republican who won election as an independent in 2014, created a task force headed by Mallott that would propose specific policies to reduce emissions and help the state adapt to the impacts of global warming. The recommendations are due by September.

In addressing climate change, Alaska will have to grapple with its own deep contradictions. Roughly 85 percent of the state’s budget is funded by revenues from the production of oil, which is primarily exported to the rest of the United States, and local politicians have largely been unwilling to curtail the supply of fossil fuels. Both Walker and Mallott supported the recent decision by Congress to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas exploration, a move opposed by environmentalists.

該州仍在為其氣候策略作最後的拍板定案。原為共和黨員,2014年以無黨籍身分參選並當選的州長比爾.沃克,去年10月設置了一個由馬洛特領導的專案小組,針對該州減排以及適應全球暖化衝擊,提出具體政策。這些建議應於9月前提出。

在對付氣候變遷上,阿拉斯加將必須努力克服自身的嚴重矛盾。該州約85%的預算來自生產石油的歲收,這些石油生產主要輸往美國其他地區,而該州在地政治人物大抵不樂意削減這些化石燃料供應。沃克和馬洛特兩人都支持國會最近的決定,開放「北極國家野生動物保護區」,以進行石油和天然氣探勘,環保人士則反對這項行動。

“The state will continue to be an energy producer for as long as there is a market for fossil fuels,” the men wrote in a recent Op-Ed for The Juneau Empire. But, they added, “We should not use our role as an energy producer to justify inaction or complacency in our response to the complex challenge of climate change.”

To that end, the state’s climate task force released a draft in April that included a proposal for Alaska to get 50 percent of its electricity from renewable sources like solar, wind, hydropower, and geothermal by 2025, up from 33 percent in 2016.

這些人最近在「朱諾帝國」報的言論版寫道:「只要化石燃料市場存在一天,本州就會繼續成為能源生產州。」不過,他們也寫道:「我們不該拿我們是能源生產州的角色,作為我們在對氣候變遷這項複雜挑戰的反應上,不作為或自以為是的藉口。」

為此,該州的氣候專案小組四月提出了一份草案,建議之一是2025年之前,阿拉斯加從太陽能、風能、水力發電和地熱等再生能源取得50%的電力,高於2016年的33%。

 

※說文解字看新聞

文章一開始即提及美國的藍州(blue states),指的是民主黨勢力較強的州,紅色則是共和黨的代表色,因此共和黨勢力較強的州是紅州(red states)。本文主角阿拉斯加州被標識為深紅(deep-red),表示一向是共和黨的票倉,也是支持現任美國總統川普的州。文章特別提及阿拉斯加州的政治色彩,旨在強調該州與不相信氣候變遷(climate change)的川普背道而馳,正設法制定包括減排(emissions cuts)二氧化碳(carbon dioxide)在內的政策。

阿拉斯加州地底下的永凍層(permafrost)已開始融化(thaw), 是該州積極制定氣候變遷政策主因。永凍層指的是超過2年維持在攝氏零度以下低溫的土層。thaw可作動詞或名詞用,意為融化、融解、融雪。thaw也可指關係解凍,食物解凍,如The icy relationship between North Korea and South Korea seems to be thawing thanks to the Winter Olympics.(由於冬季奧運會,北韓和南韓之間的冰冷關係似乎正在解凍。)There are many ways to safely thaw frozen foods.(有許多方法可安全解凍冷凍食物。)

 
Jo Nesb Reimagines ‘Macbeth’ 奈斯博版《馬克白》 黑色犯罪故事
文/James Shapiro
譯/王麗娟

In 1937, The New Yorker published James Thurber’s “The Macbeth Murder Mystery,” about an avid reader of Agatha Christie who picks up a paperback copy of “Macbeth,” mistakenly assuming it’s a detective story. She soon discovers it’s a Shakespeare play but is already hooked and reads it as a whodunit. It takes her a while to identify who killed Duncan, after initially refusing to believe the Macbeths were responsible: “You suspect them the most, of course, but those are the ones that are never guilty — or shouldn’t be, anyway.” Her prime suspect had been Banquo, but “then, of course, he was the second person killed. That was good right in there, that part. The person you suspect of the first murder should always be the second victim.”

It’s a very funny story and an insightful one, for Thurber shows how closely Shakespeare’s tragedy follows the contours of detective fiction. Thurber wasn’t the first to draw such connections; over a century earlier, in a brilliant essay about the play — “On the Knocking at the Gate in ‘Macbeth’” — Thomas De Quincey had reflected on how deeply Shakespeare understood the interplay of murder and suspense. If the many allusions to “Macbeth” in the works of Agatha Christie, Dorothy Sayers, P.D. James and other crime writers are any indication, Shakespeare’s play may be seen as one of the great progenitors of the genre, making Jo Nesb, the celebrated Norwegian writer of thrillers, an ideal choice to update the play for Hogarth Shakespeare, a series in which best-selling novelists turn Shakespeare’s works into contemporary fiction.

1937年,《紐約客》出版了美國作家詹姆斯.瑟伯的《馬克白謀殺案之謎》,描述英國偵探小說家阿嘉莎.克莉絲蒂的一名粉絲讀者,選購了一本平裝的《馬克白》,誤以為它是本偵探小說。她很快就發現它是莎士比亞的劇作,但已欲罷不能,仍把它當推理小說閱讀。她花了點時間才理清誰殺了(蘇格蘭國王)鄧肯,起初拒絕相信是馬克白夫婦下的手。「當然,他們嫌疑最大。但無論如何,他們是始終未犯罪的人,也不該會犯罪」她眼中的主要嫌犯是馬克白的朋友班柯,但是「當然,他是第二個被殺害的人。就是那裡非常好。那個部分。你懷疑是第一個謀殺案的凶手,永遠應該是第二個受害人。」

這是極其有趣且饒富洞察力的一本小說,因為瑟伯說明,莎翁的悲劇和偵探小說的情節有多麼相近。瑟伯不是建立這項關聯的第一人;一個多世紀前,在討論這部戲劇的一篇精彩文章〈論馬克白大門上的敲門聲〉中, 托馬斯.德昆西即對莎翁深諳謀殺與懸疑的相互作用多所著墨。阿嘉莎.克莉絲蒂、桃樂絲.榭爾絲、P.D. 詹姆斯和其他犯罪故事作家的作品中,都有許多與《馬克白》相關的影射,若說這些影射有任何意義,它代表莎翁的劇作可視為這類作品的一大始祖,挪威知名驚悚作家尤.奈斯博也因此成為《挑戰莎士比亞系列》中,重新改寫莎翁這部名劇的理想人選。《挑戰莎士比亞系列》是英國霍加斯出版社發行的系列產品,邀請暢銷小說家將莎翁作品改寫成當代小說。

Nesb has spoken of finding himself on familiar terrain here, arguing that “Macbeth” is essentially a “thriller about the struggle for power” that takes place “in a gloomy, stormy crime noir-like setting and in a dark, paranoid human mind.” True enough, yet many features of this 400-year-old tragedy don’t easily fit the demands of a modern, realistic thriller. One of the pleasures of reading this book is watching Nesb meet the formidable challenge of assimilating elements of the play unsuited to realistic crime fiction, especially the supernatural: the witches, prophecies, visions, and the mysterious figure of Hecate.

Nesb’s most consequential decision was when and where to set his story. While he follows Shakespeare in locating it in Scotland, rather than taking us back to the 11th century he places it in the early 1970s. He doesn’t name the city, though there are many hints that it’s Glasgow. This choice signals Nesb’s ambitions for his novel, giving it a sharp social edge as well as a timely political resonance.

奈斯博曾說,他發現自己身處熟悉的領域中,《馬克白》基本上是一本「權力鬥爭的驚悚故事」,發生在「近似於陰沉、狂暴黑色犯罪的背景中,談的是闇黑、偏執的人心」。這點雖然屬實,但這部悲劇已有400年歷史,其中許多特質與現代、寫實犯罪小說的要求已格格不入。閱讀這本書的樂趣之一,是觀看內斯博如何迎向這項艱鉅挑戰,將這部戲劇中不適合寫實犯罪小說的元素加以同化,尤其是超自然的部分,如女巫、預言、幻覺,以及神秘人物赫卡特。

奈斯博最重要的決定是他小說的時空背景。儘管他追隨莎翁,將地點定在蘇格蘭,卻選擇將時間擺在1970年代初期,不帶領我們重回11世紀。奈斯博並未提及城市名稱,雖然許多暗示指向蘇格蘭最大城市格拉斯哥。這項選擇突顯奈斯博對他這本小說的野心,賦予他的小說尖銳的社會感,以及適時的政治共鳴。

 
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