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讀紐時學英文
2020/11/06 第321期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
 
 
紐時周報精選 Europe Wonders if It Can Rely on U.S. Again, Whoever Wins 美國大選不論誰勝選 歐洲不敢再信賴
From School Boards to the Senate, All Politics Is Virus Politics in 2020 今年大小選舉 全都和疫情有關
紐時周報精選
 
Europe Wonders if It Can Rely on U.S. Again, Whoever Wins 美國大選不論誰勝選 歐洲不敢再信賴
文/Steven Erlanger
譯/李京倫 核稿/樂慧生

Europe Wonders if It Can Rely on U.S. Again, Whoever Wins

美不論誰勝選 歐洲不敢再信賴

Treated with contempt by President Donald Trump, who considers them rivals and deadbeats instead of allies, many European leaders look forward to the possibility of a Biden presidency. But they are painfully aware that four years of Trump have changed the world — and the United States — in ways that will not be easily reversed.

許多歐洲領袖受到美國總統川普鄙視,被他視為敵手和懶鬼而非盟友,因而期盼川普的對手拜登能夠當選,不過他們也痛苦地意識到,川普執政四年已經改變了世界和美國,反轉不易。

Even if civility can be restored, a fundamental trust has been broken, and many European diplomats and experts believe that U.S. foreign policy is no longer bipartisan, so is no longer reliable.

即使以禮相待得以恢復,基本的信任卻已破損,而且許多歐洲外交官與專家認為,美國外交政策不再是兩黨共識,所以不再值得信賴。

For the first time, said Ivan Krastev, director of the Center for Liberal Strategies, “Europeans are afraid that there is no longer a foreign-policy consensus in the United States. Every new administration can mean a totally new policy, and for them this is a nightmare.”

保加利亞自由戰略中心主任克拉斯捷夫說,這是頭一次,「歐洲人擔心美國再也不會有外交政策共識,每個新政府都可能推出全新的政策,對歐洲人來說,這是夢魘」。

The idea of European “strategic autonomy” — of a Europe less dependent on Washington and with its own strong voice in the world — has been gaining ground, even if it is more aspiration than reality.

歐洲的「戰略自主」是指歐洲減少對美國的依賴,並在國際舞台上強力發聲,這個概念儘管想望成分多過現實,卻日益受到歡迎。

Some, like Nathalie Tocci, director of Italy’s Institute of International Affairs, and François Heisbourg, a French security analyst, fear that a Biden presidency could short-circuit European autonomy and let Europeans continue, as Tocci said, “sticking our heads in the sand.”

義大利國際事務研究所主任娜塔莉.托西、法國安全事務分析家海斯堡等有識之士擔憂,拜登當選會使歐洲停止謀求自主,並如托西所言,讓歐洲人繼續「埋首沙中,逃避現實」。

A Trump reelection, of course, might accelerate the trend toward autonomy.

而當然的,川普連任可能會使歐洲加速謀求自主。

U.S. foreign policy was traditionally bipartisan,but the collapse of the Soviet Union meant that foreign policy, too, was subject to deepening political polarization in the United States.

美國外交政策傳統上一向兩黨立場一致,而蘇聯瓦解卻意味外交政策也逃不過美國日益嚴重的政治對立。

“There is an incredible decay in Europe of the sense of the United States as a leader,” accelerated and symbolized by mishandling of the coronavirus, said Jeremy Shapiro of the European Council on Foreign Relations.

歐洲對外關係協會研究主任夏皮羅說,「視美國為領袖的心態在歐洲大幅衰落」,美國應對新冠肺炎疫情不當,既使這種現象加劇,也象徵了這類現象。

“Biden doesn’t solve their America problem,” he said. “He’s not going to be president forever, and Democrats won’t always be in power, and people have learned that the U.S. can’t be trusted on foreign policy, because the next administration will come in and wipe it away.”

夏皮羅說:「拜登上台解決不了歐洲人的美國問題。他不會永遠當總統,民主黨不會永遠執政,大家也明白美國的外交政策不能信任,因為會有下一個政府出現,把原定政策推翻。」

There is “an American decline in geopolitical weight,” said Francis Fukuyama of Stanford University.

史丹福大學學者法蘭西斯.福山說,「美國的地緣政治地位正在式微」。

“The single fact that shapes the U.S. role in global politics is polarization, and this polarization will not disappear if Joe Biden is elected,” he said.

福山說:「形塑美國在國際政治中所扮演角色的唯一事實,就是美國政治的兩極化,這種兩極化不會因為拜登當選而消失。」

說文解字看新聞【李京倫】

歐洲對美國外交政策的穩定性信心已經動搖,開始謀求「戰略自主」。

本文關鍵概念是autonomous(autonomy的形容詞)和dependent。autonomous、independent、free和sovereign都意味不受規範和控制,但強調的內涵不同。autonomous強調在自治事務上獨立,不受控制和影響。independent用在國家上,是指沒有其他國家能介入該國的公民事務、法律和政策。free強調全無外在規範,自己完全有權做決定。sovereign強調權力至高無上,在某個領域的地位最高。

首段提到deadbeat,常指一事無成、遊手好閒的懶人,尤指不事生產者。其他描述懶人的字不少,couch potato(沙發馬鈴薯)常指長時間癱坐沙發上,盯著電視的人。lazybones(懶骨頭)是特別懶散的人,都是用複數形。slug(慢吞吞的懶惰鬼)原指蛞蝓,形容人做什麼都慢吞吞、想打混摸魚。slacker(很混的人)通常指很會逃避責任、總是沒把分內工作好好完成、慢吞吞敷衍了事的懶鬼。

 
From School Boards to the Senate, All Politics Is Virus Politics in 2020 今年大小選舉 全都和疫情有關
文/Sarah Mervosh and Manny Fer
譯/李京倫 核稿/樂慧生

今年大小選舉 全都和疫情有關

The coronavirus pandemic upended Pamela Walsh’s life. It shut down her office, leaving her working at home from a folding table. It forced her to turn her dining room into a Zoom classroom for her 7-year-old son. And the virus propelled a still more unlikely change: It led Walsh to run for public office.

新冠肺炎大流行顛覆了帕梅拉.沃許的生活。她的辦公室因而關閉,讓她必須在家中摺疊桌上工作;她不得不為了7歲兒子,把家中餐廳變成透過視訊軟體Zoom聽課的教室;病毒還促成了更不可思議的改變:讓沃許競選公職。

“It wasn’t even on my radar screen,” said Walsh, 47, a political adviser in Concord, New Hampshire, who has long worked for Democrats but never before considered seeking elective office herself. Months of supervising elementary school lessons from home, with little idea of when her son would return to school, convinced Walsh that she should vie for a seat on her local school board.

47歲的沃許說:「這從來不在我考慮中。」她是住在美國新罕布夏州首府康科德的政治顧問,向來為民主黨工作,卻從未考慮競選公職。她在家中監督兒子的國小課業數月,不知兒子何時才能到校復課,使她深信應在當地學區委員會爭取一席。

“I decided I needed a voice like mine on the board,” Walsh said in a phone interview.“Everyone is struggling right now a bit and needs to be represented by how these policies impact real families.”

沃許接受電話訪問時說:「我認定學區委員會需要有我這樣的聲音。目前人人多少都在掙扎,需要有人幫他們表達這些政策如何影響真實的家庭。」

By some measure, all politics is virus politics in 2020, and the federal government’s handling of COVID-19 has become an explosive issue in the presidential race, which has been further complicated by President Donald Trump’s own hospitalization for the virus.

2020年所有的政治多少都是病毒政治,聯邦政府應對疫情的方式成了總統大選的爆炸性話題,而總統大選因總統川普本人染疫住院而更形複雜。

Yet around the nation, there are local and state races in which the pandemic has also taken an outsize role. In some cases, the virus has been the reason for running; in others, handling of the pandemic has become the defining issue, eclipsing ordinary matters of taxes and services.

不過,在全美各地一些地方和州級選舉中,疫情的影響力也大得出奇。在某些事例中,疫情是參選的唯一理由;另有些例子則是政府對疫情的處置成為首要議題,使稅制和公共服務等尋常事務黯然失色。

The virus — and the government’s response to it — has inspired parents, hair salon owners and others to run for the first time, turned sleepy races into competitive matches and injected a level of unpredictability and rancor into normally tranquil down-ballot contests.

疫情與政府抗疫的方式,激起為人父母者、髮廊老闆等各色人物首次參選,讓冷清的選舉具競爭性,並為向來平靜的低階選戰注入某種程度的不可預測性和怨恨。

“This is an issue that no one expected to be one of the pillars of this election, but it has clearly become one,” said Robert Griffin, research director for the Democracy Fund Voter Study Group, which is partnering with academics at UCLA to poll about 6,000 Americans each week leading up to the election.

「民主基金選民研究小組」研究主任葛里芬說:「沒有人料到這個議題會成為這場選舉的一大支柱,而事實卻顯然如此。」研究小組與洛杉磯加州大學學者合作,在這場大選前每周對大約6000名美國人做民調。

Restrictions to control the spread of the virus — or the lack of such restrictions — have become motivating factors in races of all sizes.

防疫管制與缺乏防疫管制,成了各級大小選舉的激勵因素。

 
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