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2020/11/06 第321期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
紐時周報精選 Europe Wonders if It Can Rely on U.S. Again, Whoever Wins 美國大選不論誰勝選 歐洲不敢再信賴
From School Boards to the Senate, All Politics Is Virus Politics in 2020 今年大小選舉 全都和疫情有關
Europe Wonders if It Can Rely on U.S. Again, Whoever Wins 美國大選不論誰勝選 歐洲不敢再信賴
文/Steven Erlanger
譯/李京倫 核稿/樂慧生

Europe Wonders if It Can Rely on U.S. Again, Whoever Wins

美不論誰勝選 歐洲不敢再信賴

Treated with contempt by President Donald Trump, who considers them rivals and deadbeats instead of allies, many European leaders look forward to the possibility of a Biden presidency. But they are painfully aware that four years of Trump have changed the world — and the United States — in ways that will not be easily reversed.


Even if civility can be restored, a fundamental trust has been broken, and many European diplomats and experts believe that U.S. foreign policy is no longer bipartisan, so is no longer reliable.


For the first time, said Ivan Krastev, director of the Center for Liberal Strategies, “Europeans are afraid that there is no longer a foreign-policy consensus in the United States. Every new administration can mean a totally new policy, and for them this is a nightmare.”


The idea of European “strategic autonomy” — of a Europe less dependent on Washington and with its own strong voice in the world — has been gaining ground, even if it is more aspiration than reality.


Some, like Nathalie Tocci, director of Italy’s Institute of International Affairs, and François Heisbourg, a French security analyst, fear that a Biden presidency could short-circuit European autonomy and let Europeans continue, as Tocci said, “sticking our heads in the sand.”


A Trump reelection, of course, might accelerate the trend toward autonomy.


U.S. foreign policy was traditionally bipartisan,but the collapse of the Soviet Union meant that foreign policy, too, was subject to deepening political polarization in the United States.


“There is an incredible decay in Europe of the sense of the United States as a leader,” accelerated and symbolized by mishandling of the coronavirus, said Jeremy Shapiro of the European Council on Foreign Relations.


“Biden doesn’t solve their America problem,” he said. “He’s not going to be president forever, and Democrats won’t always be in power, and people have learned that the U.S. can’t be trusted on foreign policy, because the next administration will come in and wipe it away.”


There is “an American decline in geopolitical weight,” said Francis Fukuyama of Stanford University.


“The single fact that shapes the U.S. role in global politics is polarization, and this polarization will not disappear if Joe Biden is elected,” he said.





首段提到deadbeat,常指一事無成、遊手好閒的懶人,尤指不事生產者。其他描述懶人的字不少,couch potato(沙發馬鈴薯)常指長時間癱坐沙發上,盯著電視的人。lazybones(懶骨頭)是特別懶散的人,都是用複數形。slug(慢吞吞的懶惰鬼)原指蛞蝓,形容人做什麼都慢吞吞、想打混摸魚。slacker(很混的人)通常指很會逃避責任、總是沒把分內工作好好完成、慢吞吞敷衍了事的懶鬼。

From School Boards to the Senate, All Politics Is Virus Politics in 2020 今年大小選舉 全都和疫情有關
文/Sarah Mervosh and Manny Fer
譯/李京倫 核稿/樂慧生

今年大小選舉 全都和疫情有關

The coronavirus pandemic upended Pamela Walsh’s life. It shut down her office, leaving her working at home from a folding table. It forced her to turn her dining room into a Zoom classroom for her 7-year-old son. And the virus propelled a still more unlikely change: It led Walsh to run for public office.


“It wasn’t even on my radar screen,” said Walsh, 47, a political adviser in Concord, New Hampshire, who has long worked for Democrats but never before considered seeking elective office herself. Months of supervising elementary school lessons from home, with little idea of when her son would return to school, convinced Walsh that she should vie for a seat on her local school board.


“I decided I needed a voice like mine on the board,” Walsh said in a phone interview.“Everyone is struggling right now a bit and needs to be represented by how these policies impact real families.”


By some measure, all politics is virus politics in 2020, and the federal government’s handling of COVID-19 has become an explosive issue in the presidential race, which has been further complicated by President Donald Trump’s own hospitalization for the virus.


Yet around the nation, there are local and state races in which the pandemic has also taken an outsize role. In some cases, the virus has been the reason for running; in others, handling of the pandemic has become the defining issue, eclipsing ordinary matters of taxes and services.


The virus — and the government’s response to it — has inspired parents, hair salon owners and others to run for the first time, turned sleepy races into competitive matches and injected a level of unpredictability and rancor into normally tranquil down-ballot contests.


“This is an issue that no one expected to be one of the pillars of this election, but it has clearly become one,” said Robert Griffin, research director for the Democracy Fund Voter Study Group, which is partnering with academics at UCLA to poll about 6,000 Americans each week leading up to the election.


Restrictions to control the spread of the virus — or the lack of such restrictions — have become motivating factors in races of all sizes.



別再旁觀 用對管道檢舉網路霸凌
調查發現,如果只是旁觀網路霸凌,等於是讓網路霸凌者認為自己的行為是可以被接受的,受害者可能因無人伸出援手,而更感到孤立、無助。而50%的霸凌事件,會因為旁觀者的介入而停止,只要更多人從「旁觀者」轉變成「發聲者」 ,就能為霸凌情況帶來改變。
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